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PRIMARY PERSPECTIVE




Posted: 12/10/07

Primary Perspective
By Thomas E. Brewton

Presidential primary campaigns illustrate politics as manipulation 
of, as well as pandering to, public opinion, with no necessary 
connection to political wisdom.


Gail Collins, editorial page editor of the New York Times, in a 
December 8 edition op-ed article, reflects liberals' embrace of 
mobocracy at the expense of Constitutional government.

She writes:

"Romney's message, which boiled down to let's-all-be-religious-
together, was certainly different from the John Kennedy version, 
which argued that a candidate's religion is irrelevant. But then 
Kennedy was speaking to the country, while Romney had his attention 
fixed on the approximately 35,000 Iowa religious conservatives who 
will tip the balance in the first-in-the-nation Republican caucus.

"Can I pause here briefly to point out that in New York there are 
approximately 35,000 people living on some blocks? If my block got to 
decide the first presidential caucus, I guarantee you we would be as 
serious about our special role as the folks in Iowa are. And right 
now Mitt Romney would be evoking the large number of founding fathers 
who were agnostics."

First, there was no "large number of founding fathers who were 
agnostics."

Apart from Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Jefferson, and Cornelius 
Harnett, who were Deists, all 204 founders declared themselves to be 
Christians (see Religious Affiliation of the Founding Fathers

http://www.adherents.com/gov/Founding_Fathers_Religion.html ).

Deists, by the way, are not agnostics.  They view all of nature as 
God's handiwork.

Second, Ms. Collins' comment highlights the frightening potential for 
political tyranny implicit in the move to eliminate the electoral 
college and to substitute election of the President by popular vote 
alone.

No presidential candidate would find it profitable to campaign in 
Iowa or any other state without a million-plus population city.  
Presidential campaigns, both primaries and general elections, would 
concentrate upon the sinks of corruption that are the East and Left 
Coast urban centers.

Those precincts are dominated by atheistic, materialistic liberal-
progressive-socialists, who revere, not the Constitution, but the 
French Revolution's destruction of the whole of the social structure, 
from monarchy and hereditary privilege, to the Catholic Church and 
private property rights.

The invariable tendency of liberal-progressive-socialism is political 
tyranny, as exemplified by the French Revolution's Reign of Terror, 
in which more than 70,000 French citizens were murdered.  This French 
innovation in public education was followed by the ascendancy of 
Napoleon to supreme power and his military subjugation of most of 
Western Europe to form the French Empire.

In America's liberal-progressive-socialism, the structure of 
government is to be shaped by the Marxian class struggle.   The 
working class must overcome the capitalists and, in the fiery furnace 
of revolution, transform human nature, enabling the earthly salvation 
of humanity through the agency of atheistic, materialistic 
government.  The mild version is Hillary Clinton's "Village."

While Ms. Collins and her New York City confreres, one assumes, 
advocate the less violent creeping socialism of the English Fabians, 
the aim is the same: social justice, which means to make everyone 
equally poor and totally subordinate to Rousseau's conception of the 
General Will, as interpreted by intellectual councils.  No doubt Ms. 
Collins presumes that the Times editorial board will play a leading 
role in those councils.

The late Irving Howe, one of New York City's leading socialist 
theoreticians of the 1950s - 1980s, called this social democracy, the 
process by which the majority, with the connivance of an activist 
judiciary, eradicate the protections afforded by the Bill of Rights 
for individuals against the encroachments of arbitrary, collectivized 
government.

James Madison, in Federalist No. 10, warned against this sort of 
social democracy, contrasting it with the form of government to be 
created by the Constitution:

"...it may be concluded that a pure democracy, by which I mean a 
society consisting of a small number of citizens, who assemble and 
administer the government in person, can admit of no cure for the 
mischiefs of faction [i.e., special interest groups]. A common 
passion or interest will, in almost every case, be felt by a majority 
of the whole; a communication and concert result from the form of 
government itself; and there is nothing to check the inducements to 
sacrifice the weaker party or an obnoxious individual. Hence it is 
that such democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and 
contention; have ever been found incompatible with personal security 
or the rights of property; and have in general been as short in their 
lives as they have been violent in their deaths. Theoretic 
politicians, who have patronized this species of government, have 
erroneously supposed that by reducing mankind to a perfect equality 
in their political rights, they would, at the same time, be perfectly 
equalized and assimilated in their possessions, their opinions, and 
their passions.

"A republic, by which I mean a government in which the scheme of 
representation takes place, opens a different prospect, and promises 
the cure for which we are seeking...The two great points of 
difference between a democracy and a republic are: first, the 
delegation of the government, in the latter, to a small number of 
citizens elected by the rest; secondly, the greater number of 
citizens, and greater sphere of country, over which the latter may be 
extended.

"The effect of the first difference is, on the one hand, to refine 
and enlarge the public views, by passing them through the medium of a 
chosen body of citizens, whose wisdom may best discern the true 
interest of their country, and whose patriotism and love of justice 
will be least likely to sacrifice it to temporary or partial 
considerations. Under such a regulation, it may well happen that the 
public voice, pronounced by the representatives of the people, will 
be more consonant to the public good than if pronounced by the people 
themselves, convened for the purpose...

"It must be confessed that in this, as in most other cases, there is 
a mean, on both sides of which inconveniences will be found to lie. 
By enlarging too much the number of electors, you render the 
representatives too little acquainted with all their local 
circumstances and lesser interests; as by reducing it too much, you 
render him unduly attached to these, and too little fit to comprehend 
and pursue great and national objects. The federal Constitution forms 
a happy combination in this respect; the great and aggregate 
interests being referred to the national, the local and particular to 
the State legislatures."

Election of the President by the electoral college is based exactly 
upon this conception, the antithesis of mob rule by ill-formed public 
opinion.



Thomas E. Brewton is a staff writer for the New Media Alliance, Inc. 
The New Media Alliance is a non-profit (501c3) national coalition of 
writers, journalists and grass-roots media outlets.

His weblog is THE VIEW FROM 1776
http://www.thomasbrewton.com/

Email comments to viewfrom1776@thomasbrewton.com




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Distributed by www.ChristianWorldviewNetwork.com

By Thomas E. Brewton

Email: tbrewton@thenma.org

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